Showing posts with label blogs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label blogs. Show all posts

Sunday, July 13, 2008

Voice of Tiraspol


CIMG6523, originally uploaded by lyndonk2.

As has happened more times in the past than I'd care to admit, a few weeks ago a discussion in the comments section of Sean's Russia Blog sent me searching for info on a fairly obscure topic. One result was that I revisited [info]ocity, the LiveJournal community set up by residents of Tiraspol - for those of you who understandably might not follow these things, that's the capital of the unrecognized Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (a.k.a. PMR, Transnistria, Transdniester, Pridnestrovie, etc.), a little strip of land that's been trying to secede from Moldova since the breakup of the USSR.

It seems that some of Tiraspol's netizens are unhappy with some of the initiatives of the territory's de facto government. Here are my translations of a couple of recent posts to the [info]ocity community (which also exists outside of LJ):
Demand and complaint addressed to Evgeny Shevchuk, Chairman of the "Renewal" (Obnovlenie) party (posted by [info]06_07_1970)

Dear Evgeny Vasil'evich!

We woke up this morning and left our apartments intending to head to the cemetery and honor our dearly departed.

In the entryway of the building where we live, we found a huge quantity of "Renewal" party newspapers - they are strewn on the landing on every floor, in the stairwells, in people's mailboxes (several copies of this spam in each mailbox), and in the elevator. Part of the area in front of the building is already besmirched with your party's newspapers - some of the building's residents have tossed them out of the stairwell.

It should be noted that this is not the first time when the entryway of our residential building has been littered with such trash.

Based on these facts, I request that you organize the cleanup of the stairwells of the building at Zapadnyi Per. 19/1 in Tiraspol as soon as possible.

Otherwise, we will have to go to court with a complaint against the Renewal party and against you personally as the director of that organization.

With respect,

Residents of the besmirched [засранного] building
This complaint was also posted on a more traditional online forum, where it has generated some 25 comments. On LiveJournal, it generated the following comment by [info]verba77:
They say our government is impoverished, but think how much money was spent on this garbage. Our authorities don't do anything useful for the people, instead they rub in the people's faces what good rulers we have.
I should note, in fairness to Obnovlenie and Shevchuk, that it's not unheard of for political parties in the post-Soviet space (and probably elsewhere) to engage in the "dirty trick" of placing their opponents' materials in locations designed to annoy voters. I seem to recall that one example of such "black PR" involved party A sticking party B's stickers on cars parked on the street. In this case, though, if I had to guess, I'd say the offending newspapers were probably left by overzealous "Obnovlentsy."

Here's another assessment of the local government by a resident of Transnistria:
Defense of human rights, Transnistrian-style (posted by [info]verba77 [whose journal is subtitled "life with a 'special' child in a 'special' country"])

Two years ago, on June 7, 2006, Pridnestrovie first appointed a representative on human rights issues. An 10-room office was set up and luxuriously renovated to European standards. Dozens of new computers and other office equipment was purchased, excellent furniture, air conditioners, etc. There are plans to open branch offices of the human rights representative in other cities in Transnistria.

Interruptions in - and later complete denial of - the government's supply of essential medication to disabled children began around the same time.

Is it possible that the funds which had previously been devoted to saving the lives of disabled children are now going toward the human rights representative's office?

From my conversation with Transnistria's human rights representative V. Kol'ko last week:

- Does the non-issue of medications which are legally provided for to disabled children constitute a violation of human rights?
- Yes, of course, but what can I do about it?
- What do you mean, what, you are the human rights representative. Can you defend the rights of a sick child?
- There isn't any money in the budget for those medications, our government is very poor.
- Then why does the government have money for such luxurious facilities for a human rights office which is unable to protect human rights?
- What, it's my fault that the Supreme Soviet decided to create this office?

I might also suggest that our rulers do away with pensions and use the money saved to create an office of the representative of pensioners' rights. Or they could close the hospitals and open an office of the representative for the rights of sick people.
In the comments, verba77 explains that his family pays for a couple of more expensive medications, but is trying to get the government to pay for one cheaper item prescribed for their child which is included in the official list of medications the government is supposed to provide:
This has become a matter of principle, because those animals are buying themselves expensive official cars, building lordly estates, and renovating their offices to European standards using the money of the Transnistrians who break their backs working for them, but they refuse to comply with the law guaranteeing medication to sick children. But they spit on my requests and on all of us put together. The animals have made it to the trough.
And on a more humorous note, here's a comment from the same forum titled "[Customer] Service" (posted by [info]sasha_ethna):

Tiraspol'. The train station. We get on the number 3 minibus, hoping to get to Balka.

...I was already handing the driver my fare when a one-lady orchestra came up to the minibus. She had a guitar on her shoulder, fancy luggage and several musical instruments. She tossed her first bag into the minibus and was getting ready to toss in the second, when the driver spat out "I'M NOT GOING TO BALKA!"


All of the passengers were baffled, the one-lady orchestra quickly retrieved her bags, and many people prepared to get off the minibus.


"But we all want to go to Balka!" said a few people.


"Everything's OK - that's where we're going. I just wanted to avoid all of that baggage," said the driver, revealing the logic behind his trick.

[update July 15]

Incidentally, there used to be a LJ community called Foto_PMR (I reposted one cool photo from that forum here) devoted to photos from Transnistria, but within a couple of months after I discovered and linked to it that forum disappeared, replaced by a LJ error message which reads “This journal has been deleted and purged.

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Saturday, May 24, 2008

"Contempt and Compassion"

Respected (and at one time, arrested) journalist Valerii Panyushkin published an article in Vedomosti two Fridays ago which became quite controversial in the Russian blogosphere. Panyushkin decided to use some of his free time during the May holidays to read some blogs on LiveJournal and write about what he saw. He made it clear that he wasn't focusing on, "how shall I put it, the 'leaders' of Internet public opinion, all those 'tysiachniki'[1], the pro-Kremlin or anti-Kremlin Internet screamers," which according to him was because such bloggers are professionals whose writings have nothing to do with their actual opinions ("if a person is a janitor, that doesn't necessarily mean he is a neatnik").

Instead, he focused on the blogs of people who leave comments on some of the more popular LiveJournals. His article, titled "Contempt and Compassion," was hardly a flattering look into the RuBlogosphere. The first sentence read, "People, I've read your diaries. You are non-entities." I'm pretty sure there have been similar snarky commentaries about bloggers in the American mainstream media, but I'll leave it up to you to find them.

As for Panyushkin's article, I decided to translate just one paragraph:

My little male bloggers from time to time also write in their blogs about patriotism. Their patriotic outpourings usually have something about the demeaned and insulted Motherland. But other than the Limonovtsy, I didn't see a single patriotic blogger who had sacrificed anything of substance for their demeaned and insulted Motherland.
Bloggers' reactions to Panyushkin's article at one point occupied 15 of the 30 top spots on Yandex's "popular posts" list. Presumably those reactions were mostly negative - if you're interested, you can follow some of the links below.

[1] тысячник - a "thousandeer," a LiveJournal blogger with 1,000 or more "friends."



Презрение и состраданиеПрезрение и сострадание

Валерий Панюшкин об интернет-дневниках

У пользователя «ЖЖ» годами может не быть ни одного всплеска отчаяния, только вялое нытье Далее

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via [info]barabanch

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Friday, May 23, 2008

Reading the TV Tea Leaves in an Age of Mediacracy

In contemporary Russian politics, it may seem that "you don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows." Political events are unfolding according to a scenario predicted by many (i.e., Putin is retaining influence, at least for now), and no matter what eventually happens between Putin and Medvedev, given the array of predictions flying around, odds are someone will have predicted it. Sometimes, though, mediologists, not meteorologists, are the best way of trying to figure out which way the political winds are blowing on a given week.

Heavy coverage was given by Russian online media during the last election cycle to statistics charting TV appearances by major politicians. These figures have long been covered by some newspapers and online news sites, but the coverage by Lenta.ru last fall, in cooperation with an outfit called Medialogia - which included not only weekly statistics but also analytical reports interpreting the numbers - seemed more thorough than in the past.


Сравнительная динамика количества упоминаний ТВ-каналов в федеральных печатных СМИ [source]

Lenta also recently covered the release of a report by Mediaguide.ru (a portal which appears to be related to Medialogia) analyzing how frequently the TV networks with nationwide reach are cited in the print media - it appears this report will now be available monthly. Although it doesn't seem to analyze whether the mentions are positive or negative, the figures may be of interest to those who argue that the Kremlin's dominance of Russian TV airwaves does not stamp out the free press because of the existence of alternative print sources of news.

Masha Lipman recently made the following observation (in the Washington Post, natch) about Russian TV under Putin:

During Putin's tenure, television broadcasting was honed to perfection -- as a tool to shape public opinion. Coverage of political and public affairs is now tightly controlled through a coordinated effort of the national channels' top managers and Kremlin aides. The result is that any event, person, group or movement may be boosted or played down in the public eye in a way that would best suit the Kremlin's desires and designs; anyone deemed an adversary of the government may be discredited or vilified.

Polls indicate that the public is highly responsive to television brainwashing -- whether the campaigns are against Georgia, Ukraine or the West, or are intended to influence voting preferences. In contrast to Soviet times, the government's most effective media tools are also highly profitable. Each of the two biggest channels reaches almost all Russian households. While stations don't compete in news coverage -- news shows differ little from channel to channel -- other competition for viewers and advertisers is fierce. The result: first-class soap operas and other entertainment programs that keep people glued to their screens. Advertisers, attracted to large audiences, eagerly commit their budgets to state-controlled television.

This business model and the controlled political content are inseparable and mutually beneficial. The Kremlin-designed television diet is easily digested: Bland information is supplemented by exciting entertainment shows. As he completed his second term, Putin granted special letters of commendation to the top managers of the national channels.

The government has radically curtailed broadcast freedom, but it does not totally control speech. Some broadcast, print and online outlets with smaller audiences have maintained relatively independent editorial lines, which serves to let off steam. These outlets may create an appearance of media freedom, but they are tightly insulated from national television, effectively marginalized and kept politically irrelevant.

The huge role played by the media in shaping - and reflecting, although a chicken-and-egg question arises if you want to determine whether it molds or reflects more - the country's political climate might tempt one to call Russia a "media-cracy," though I'd probably avoid the term, as it's too much of a simplification, it sounds too much like "mediocrity" (which Russia is certainly not at the moment, no matter how one wishes to see the country), and the term was already being used over 30 years ago - and continues to be used, albeit informally - in reference to American domestic politics. It's interesting to see how one online source defines "mediacracy" in the American context:
(mē'dē-ə-krə-sē) 1. (n.) Government, usually indirectly, by the popular media; often a result of democracy going awry. A system in which politicians stop thinking and begin listening exclusively to the media regarding what the important issues are and what they should do about them. Origins: A play on democracy and news media; possible reference to being mediocre.

The suggestion is that media elites are invested with a disproportionate amount of independent political power. In today's Russia, the term would probably have to be defined slightly differently - the use of the media, in particular those controlled by the state, as an instrument of government rule through the shaping of opinions.

[image source]

Actually there is an online project named Mediakratiia (Медиакратия), or Mediacracy, which seems to have the goal of unifying young Russian journalists in covering issues in a "socially responsible" way, with what appears to be a particular emphasis on journalists working in the regions. Since the project was set up in part by United Russia and is funded by the Press Ministry, it is not difficult to conclude that the organizers